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Abstract | Bibliography | Introduction | Table of
Summaries
Health Behaviors
Adler et al (1994) found that health behaviors are also closely tied to both SES and
health. Vaillant and Mukamal (2001) suggested that the absence of alcohol and cigarette abuse was the most
important protective factor for successful aging. Lantz et al (1998) noted a high degree of stability in
health behaviors for all individuals. Vallin (1995) comments that behavior affects mortality in two ways,
directly through detrimental health practices and indirectly through the use of health services. Therefore
behavior can enhance or mitigate positive or negative effects of other factors affecting mortality.
Wei et al (1999) found that compared to normal–weight men obese men, had much
higher risk of cardiovascular disease mortality and all–cause mortality. Overweight men had
intermediate death rates between normal–weight and obese men. They also highlighted that men who were
overweight or obese were also more likely to have baseline disease, smoke cigarettes, be sedentary and have a
family history of cardiovascular disease. In contrast, Vaillant and Mukamal (2001) found body mass index to
be only marginally significant. Lantz et al (1998) did not find being overweight was significant in any of
their models.
Wei et al (1999) stated that low cardio–respiratory fitness was a strong and
independent predictor of cardiovascular disease and all–cause mortality.
Rogers et al (1999) comment that high–risk smokers were not very likely to
simultaneously be high–risk drinkers and abnormally overweight. This did not change with age. Their
study found that neither exercise nor alcohol consumption had much impact on smoking patterns, however, being
underweight or overweight increased the effects of smoking on mortality.
Lantz et al (1998) commented that some health behaviors are associated with a
significantly higher risk of death for specific causes of death. They found that the distribution of four
behavioral risk factors (cigarette smoking, alcohol drinking, sedentary lifestyle and relative body weight)
significantly varied by educational attainment and annual household income. Those with the least education
and lowest income were significantly more likely to be current smokers, overweight and in the lowest quintile
for physical activity. Pappas et al (1993) also noted differences in the social distribution of
health–risk behavior. They commented that people of higher socioeconomic status tended to adopt
healthy lifestyles more rapidly.
Adler et al (1994) state that smoking rates vary inversely with SES. Rates of smoking
initiation are also inversely related to SES and rates of cessation are positively related to SES. In
addition, among smokers, the number of cigarettes smoked is inversely related to SES.
Lantz et al (1998) noted that education was strongly related to health behaviors, whereas
income was more predictive of mortality. Education was related to mortality through its association with
income. Kallan also found that education particularly affected causes of death that have a large behavioral
component. However, Lantz et al (1998) found that the effects of smoking and drinking were no longer
significant once they were adjusted for demographic, socioeconomic and other health behavior variables.
Adler et al (1994) found that the SES–health association is reduced, but not eliminated, when health behaviors are statistically controlled.
Lantz et al (1998) also concluded that health behaviors and socioeconomic factors are
important determinants of mortality, but that they only explain a small proportion of the socioeconomic
differences in mortality and are therefore not the primary mechanisms linking socioeconomic status and
mortality.
Rogers (1995) found that marital status mortality differentials were predominantly due to
behavioral components. Brown and Di Meo (1995) also noted that marriage restricts the extent of unhealthy
behaviors such as smoking and alcohol consumption, and that those who are married generally take better care
of themselves.
Kark et al (1996) found that belonging to a religious collective was associated with a
strong protective effect and that tobacco consumption and fat intake are generally lower in religious
kibbutzim. However, there were no significant differences in the lifestyle factors of diet, smoking, obesity,
alcohol intake, exercise and exposure to accidents. Similarly, Musick (1996) found that lower levels of
unhealthy behaviors were associated with religiousness, but these behaviors did not mediate the relationship
between religion and self–rated health for either blacks or whites.
Vallin (1995) noted that men and women exhibit differences in health behavior and in
their attitudes towards their bodies. Women are increasingly large consumers of health services and have
benefited from medical progress earlier than men. Trovato and Lalu (1998) suggested that lifestyle and
personal behaviors were important in respect of the causes of death relating to the gender gap in mortality.
Wilkinson (1997) suggests that income inequality may effect society in a wider context.
He proposes that less egalitarian societies may have higher levels of homicide, accidents and alcohol related
deaths, but these have not yet been discerned.